John McCain, with an entourage including senators Joe Lieberman, Lindsay Graham, and other sweaty white men in summer colors arrived in Colombia today to, among other things, take a ride in a drug interdiction ship with wife Cindy. Said McCain: “We have a long way to go to stem the flow of drugs into the United States of America, [but] the progress that I’ve seen since previous visits here has been substantial and positive.’’ The recent report by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime, however, found a huge leap in coca cultivation (different from the interdiction McCain was talking about, but you see where I'm going with this, right?) from 78,000 hectares [193,000 acres] to 99,000 hectares [245,000 acres] - despite fumigation and manual eradication totaling 219,512 hectares [542,426 acres]. Oh well.
Some recommendation for McCain on ways to signal US for support Colombian institutionality, and respect for human rights from the Center for International Policy here, although McCain seems more bent on getting the conservative Latino vote - and a lot of the US-Colombians, believe me, are some real zealots for Uribe.
That this gambit with the hostages (an incredible bit of intelligence work and infiltration involved in scooby-dooing the FARC commander to get into an army chopper with 15 hostages under false pretenses) seems to have paid off is great (and lucky - previous rescue operations have resulted in dead hostages) news for Igrid, the three US contractors, and the 12 Colombian military and police hostages who have apparently been freed, but it's definitely good news for Uribe, who is clearly itching to run for a third term and will probably enjoy even higher popularity after this liberation. The irritating presence of McCain in the country through all of this makes one wonder how Uribe's vistory will reflect on McCain's candidacy and on the Free Trade Agreement he, and Uribe, support.
Showing posts with label english. Show all posts
Showing posts with label english. Show all posts
7.02.2008
6.25.2008
A different tack in Latin American war on drugs
"Latin Americans ... are challenging Washington's aggressive war on drugs in the world's top cocaine-producing region. These governments are shaking off U.S. influence in the region and building defense and trade alliances that exclude the United States. Some now say they can better fight drugs without U.S. help and are rejecting policies they do not like.... For Correa and other leaders, the plight of people like Vivas, coupled with stubbornly high smuggling rates, is proof of the failure of a drugs war focused on prison sentences and eradication of the coca crop, the raw material for making cocaine. They resent prescriptions handed down from Washington that they say cram courts and prisons with the poor without slowing demand for cocaine in U.S. cities."
Link
Link
6.24.2008
Capitalism and Intellectual Property in Academia: Sage Sux
It sounds like a satire on capitalism but reality is often even worse. If you have written an article for SAGE you cannot send your own article to colleagues, you cannot copy nor save it. You can read it on one computer only, according to anthropologist Lisa Wynn. Unless, of course, you pay for it.
Link "Is It Time to Boycott Sage?"
Link "Is It Time to Boycott Sage?"
6.20.2008
Social scientists and the war on terror
Also from Culture Matters. They are talking mostly about anthros, of course, but have their been ethnomusicologists involved in this sort of thing? I've heard rumors of ethnomusicologists being involved in programming post-Taliban-sounding radio in the initial post-9/11 offensive against the Taliban in Afghanistan, but nothing beyond that.
Anyhow:
Anyhow:
"Wired magazine has just reported that the Pentagon has kicked off ‘Minerva’, its project to include social scientists and other academics into the “War on Terror”. The article also mentions the debate that has been going on in anthropology over the US military’s new-found enthusiasm for culture and social science methods.
Wired also has covered this issue in surprising detail, and there is a good archive of related stories at the bottom of their article."
Digital Divide
This from the "Culture Matters" anthro blog (hey ethnos, how come we don't have something like this?):
Wired magazine has a recent story about Dawn Nafus, a Cambridge PhD in anthropology working for Intel: Intel Anthropologists Find Keys to Tech Adoption. The map of which countries are rapid adopters is great; there’s some interesting surprises. For example, Nafus found that Estonia and South Korea were early adopters of technology in relation to income:
…her team found that they both have agile governments, strong offline social networks, and major upheavals in living memory (the transition out of Communism and the Korean War). That raised the counterintuitive question: could turmoil actually be good for preparing people for disruptive technologies?
I won’t review the whole article, but there’s some great examples of anthropological research producing counter-intuitive results. For example, ‘One other surprise in the Intel data: foreign direct investment, or how much money foreign firms pour into a country’s economy, can actually constrain how fast technology is adopted.’ Worth checking out.
6.14.2008
Aymara Rap as racism in Bolivia heats up / Rap Aymara y racismo boliviano
Mitad Tupac Shakur, mitad Tupac Amaru, y más necesario que nunca con los abusos que se están cometiendo actualmente en Bolivia.
Half Tupac Shakur, half Tupac Amaru, all the more necessary given the madness that going down in Bolivia these days.If you don't know what I'm talking about, check the links:
Si no sabés de que estoy hablando, chequeate los enlaces:
Link (Article in English/Artículo en inglés)
Enlace (Videp en español / Spanish video)
5.19.2008
Racism in Bogotá / Racismo en Bogotá
Esto de una amiga antropóloga afronorteamericana, Fatimah Williams Castro quien está trabajando con negritudes en Colombia:
This is from a anthropologost friend, a black North American, Fatimah Williams Castro, who's working on blackness in Colombia:
> Mayo 17 de 2008 -
> Investigación universitaria muestra latente racismo en algunas
> discotecas de Bogotá
> Los dueños de éstas se defienden: 'Porque devolvemos una vez en un año
> a cuatro negros hay una denuncia'. Las autoridades invitan a que la
> gente no calle estos hechos.
>
>
> Conscientes que el color de piel podía ser un factor a la hora de
> entrar a una discoteca, cinco estudiantes de Derecho de la Universidad
> de Los Andes realizaron un trabajo de campo para comprobarlo.
>
> Junto a siete afrodescendientes (entre ellos dos mujeres
> estadounidense y el periodista de RCN, Jefferson Asprilla), visitaron
> el pasado 19 de abril dos reconocidos establecimientos de la Zona Rosa
> y del Parque de la 93 -Gavanna y Genoveva-.
>
> Con audios y fotografías documentaron el rechazo del que fueron víctimas.
>
> Una de las participantes recuerda que la velocidad con la que se movía
> la fila de entrada se frenó cuando llegó el grupo afro.
>
> 'Después de la última persona mestiza, el bouncer -persona encargada
> de regular el ingreso- interpuso el cordón de la entrada, habló con
> alguien a través del intercomunicador y nos dijo que no podíamos
> ingresar porque había una fiesta privada y necesitábamos un carné para
> ingresar'. Al manifestar que podían adquirir el documento, les dijeron
> que al interior se festejaban las bodas de plata de una pareja, y que
> esa era la razón para no dejarlos entrar.
>
> Luego Fatimah Williams, una de las norteamericanas, comenzó a hablar
> en inglés con su amiga y asegura ahí sí les permitieron ingresar.
>
> 'Decían que buscaban clase en la clientela, y aquí tener clase es
> tener el pasaporte azul en la frente', afirma esta socióloga, que
> adelanta su investigación doctoral en políticas públicas para
> negritudes.
>
> En Genoveva, cuentan los afectados, les querían cobrar un cover de 30
> mil pesos bajo la excusa que el lugar estaba alquilado para una fiesta
> privada, pero dos investigadoras 'blancas' entraron y descubrieron que
> el sitio estaba casi vacío.
>
> Dueños se defienden
>
> Antonio Turbay, socio de Gavanna y Genoveva, dice que 'el bar es
> abierto a todo tipo de personas' y que el incidente ocurrió porque los
> bouncers no tienen autorización para permitir el ingreso de personas
> sin la aprobación del filtro o de los socios, que en ese momento no se
> encontraban.
>
> El público que asiste al lugar es, según algunos de sus
> copropietarios, el de personas 'chéveres', 'relajadas' y parejas.
> Objetan a 'traquetos', mujeres que consideren 'prepago' -usualmente
> acompañadas de extranjeros- o grupos de hombres solos. Turbay asegura
> que ni él ni su bar son racistas, que tiene amigos negros y que se
> crió con muchos de ellos en su casa de las Islas del Rosario.
>
> Cuestiona, además, la actitud del grupo, a quien finalmente se les
> permitió la entrada, y reconoce que cumplían con el filtro. 'Si no
> hubieran sido agresivos habrían ingresado sin problema. Ellos tienen
> su moda y le habrían dado cierto tinte tropical al bar', dice.
>
> Juancho Méndez, otro de los socios, también niega que su bar sea
> racista. Asegura que sí había una fiesta de los papás de uno de los
> socios y cree que el incidente está inflado. '¿Por qué no hay
> denuncias de los blancos que no dejamos entrar, que sí son muchos?
> Porque devolvemos una vez en un año a cuatro negros hay una denuncia'.
>
> Denunciar, la clave
>
> Olga B. Gutiérrez, directora del Instituto de la Participación y
> Acción Comunal, dice que es importante denunciar los abusos. 'Si no,
> no habrá una cultura jurídica que haga punibles esas prácticas'.
>
> Una sentencia de la Corte Constitucional sobre un sonado caso de
> racismo contra un par de hermanas en discotecas de Cartagena en 2004,
> estableció que ni la raza, el estatus o el nivel socioeconómico pueden
> justificar el rechazo.
>
> Fuentes de la Personería aseguran que las denuncias sobre actos
> discriminatorios son mínimas. La última fue hace dos años y fue
> interpuesta por un estadounidense contra el bar Atmósfera.
>
> Sin embargo, uno de los datos más alarmantes del trabajo de campo es
> el de la responsabilidad de los ciudadanos dentro de los procesos de
> discriminación. 'Ellos la ejercen de manera pasiva, pues nunca
> protestan porque se presentan estos hechos', finaliza otro de los
> estudiantes.
>
> Los afro no aceptan que los discriminan
>
> En el caso de Bogotá el racismo no se manifiesta usualmente de maneras
> violentas, sino dentro de prácticas más sutiles. El Observatorio de
> Discriminación Racial de Los Andes, dirigido por César Rodríguez, ha
> recopilado información sobre rechazo de hojas de vida de personas
> afrodescendientes, persecución de éstas en almacenes y tiendas
> mientras compran e insultos y discriminación a la hora de acceder al
> transporte público.
>
> Una de las prácticas más preocupante es la de las trabas a la hora de
> buscar casa. Según algunos de los 10 denunciantes, les suben el precio
> del inmueble respecto al publicado, les hacen preguntas adicionales en
> los formularios o les dicen que los apartamentos ya han sido
> arrendados y los letreros de oferta continúan puestos. 'Esto permanece
> en el silencio'.
>
> La gente tiende a asimilar esas situaciones como normales en lugar de
> denunciarlas', afirma Rodríguez.
>
> CAMILO SIXTO BAQUERO M.
> REDACTOR EL TIEMPO
> cambaq@eltiempo.com.co
>
This is from a anthropologost friend, a black North American, Fatimah Williams Castro, who's working on blackness in Colombia:
Here's an article from El Tiempo, the only newspaper with daily national circulation in Colombia, on a group of seven of my friends and I being denied entry into a few 'high end' discotecas in Bogota one night in April. The journalist did not quote me correctly. Being cheeky as always, I said, "Colombian claims to be a classist but not racist society, so to be exempt from racial discrimination I would have to tape my blue passport to my forehead so the first thing people see would be my "status" and not my race/color. The bottom line is that all people deserve respect, period." Also, I'm an anthropologist, not a sociologist. Lastly, the journalist failed to mention that none of us were rude or disrespectful to the bouncers. We have it on tape to prove it.
My friends and I are working with an local lawyers group in Bogota to make a formal demanda/accion de tutela (or court case) against the clubs and this type of discriminatory treatment. The case should go before a judge in early June. Anyone who'd like to be updated just let me know.
> Investigación universitaria muestra latente racismo en algunas
> discotecas de Bogotá
> Los dueños de éstas se defienden: 'Porque devolvemos una vez en un año
> a cuatro negros hay una denuncia'. Las autoridades invitan a que la
> gente no calle estos hechos.
>
>
> Conscientes que el color de piel podía ser un factor a la hora de
> entrar a una discoteca, cinco estudiantes de Derecho de la Universidad
> de Los Andes realizaron un trabajo de campo para comprobarlo.
>
> Junto a siete afrodescendientes (entre ellos dos mujeres
> estadounidense y el periodista de RCN, Jefferson Asprilla), visitaron
> el pasado 19 de abril dos reconocidos establecimientos de la Zona Rosa
> y del Parque de la 93 -Gavanna y Genoveva-.
>
> Con audios y fotografías documentaron el rechazo del que fueron víctimas.
>
> Una de las participantes recuerda que la velocidad con la que se movía
> la fila de entrada se frenó cuando llegó el grupo afro.
>
> 'Después de la última persona mestiza, el bouncer -persona encargada
> de regular el ingreso- interpuso el cordón de la entrada, habló con
> alguien a través del intercomunicador y nos dijo que no podíamos
> ingresar porque había una fiesta privada y necesitábamos un carné para
> ingresar'. Al manifestar que podían adquirir el documento, les dijeron
> que al interior se festejaban las bodas de plata de una pareja, y que
> esa era la razón para no dejarlos entrar.
>
> Luego Fatimah Williams, una de las norteamericanas, comenzó a hablar
> en inglés con su amiga y asegura ahí sí les permitieron ingresar.
>
> 'Decían que buscaban clase en la clientela, y aquí tener clase es
> tener el pasaporte azul en la frente', afirma esta socióloga, que
> adelanta su investigación doctoral en políticas públicas para
> negritudes.
>
> En Genoveva, cuentan los afectados, les querían cobrar un cover de 30
> mil pesos bajo la excusa que el lugar estaba alquilado para una fiesta
> privada, pero dos investigadoras 'blancas' entraron y descubrieron que
> el sitio estaba casi vacío.
>
> Dueños se defienden
>
> Antonio Turbay, socio de Gavanna y Genoveva, dice que 'el bar es
> abierto a todo tipo de personas' y que el incidente ocurrió porque los
> bouncers no tienen autorización para permitir el ingreso de personas
> sin la aprobación del filtro o de los socios, que en ese momento no se
> encontraban.
>
> El público que asiste al lugar es, según algunos de sus
> copropietarios, el de personas 'chéveres', 'relajadas' y parejas.
> Objetan a 'traquetos', mujeres que consideren 'prepago' -usualmente
> acompañadas de extranjeros- o grupos de hombres solos. Turbay asegura
> que ni él ni su bar son racistas, que tiene amigos negros y que se
> crió con muchos de ellos en su casa de las Islas del Rosario.
>
> Cuestiona, además, la actitud del grupo, a quien finalmente se les
> permitió la entrada, y reconoce que cumplían con el filtro. 'Si no
> hubieran sido agresivos habrían ingresado sin problema. Ellos tienen
> su moda y le habrían dado cierto tinte tropical al bar', dice.
>
> Juancho Méndez, otro de los socios, también niega que su bar sea
> racista. Asegura que sí había una fiesta de los papás de uno de los
> socios y cree que el incidente está inflado. '¿Por qué no hay
> denuncias de los blancos que no dejamos entrar, que sí son muchos?
> Porque devolvemos una vez en un año a cuatro negros hay una denuncia'.
>
> Denunciar, la clave
>
> Olga B. Gutiérrez, directora del Instituto de la Participación y
> Acción Comunal, dice que es importante denunciar los abusos. 'Si no,
> no habrá una cultura jurídica que haga punibles esas prácticas'.
>
> Una sentencia de la Corte Constitucional sobre un sonado caso de
> racismo contra un par de hermanas en discotecas de Cartagena en 2004,
> estableció que ni la raza, el estatus o el nivel socioeconómico pueden
> justificar el rechazo.
>
> Fuentes de la Personería aseguran que las denuncias sobre actos
> discriminatorios son mínimas. La última fue hace dos años y fue
> interpuesta por un estadounidense contra el bar Atmósfera.
>
> Sin embargo, uno de los datos más alarmantes del trabajo de campo es
> el de la responsabilidad de los ciudadanos dentro de los procesos de
> discriminación. 'Ellos la ejercen de manera pasiva, pues nunca
> protestan porque se presentan estos hechos', finaliza otro de los
> estudiantes.
>
> Los afro no aceptan que los discriminan
>
> En el caso de Bogotá el racismo no se manifiesta usualmente de maneras
> violentas, sino dentro de prácticas más sutiles. El Observatorio de
> Discriminación Racial de Los Andes, dirigido por César Rodríguez, ha
> recopilado información sobre rechazo de hojas de vida de personas
> afrodescendientes, persecución de éstas en almacenes y tiendas
> mientras compran e insultos y discriminación a la hora de acceder al
> transporte público.
>
> Una de las prácticas más preocupante es la de las trabas a la hora de
> buscar casa. Según algunos de los 10 denunciantes, les suben el precio
> del inmueble respecto al publicado, les hacen preguntas adicionales en
> los formularios o les dicen que los apartamentos ya han sido
> arrendados y los letreros de oferta continúan puestos. 'Esto permanece
> en el silencio'.
>
> La gente tiende a asimilar esas situaciones como normales en lugar de
> denunciarlas', afirma Rodríguez.
>
> CAMILO SIXTO BAQUERO M.
> REDACTOR EL TIEMPO
> cambaq@eltiempo.com.co
>
4.10.2008
Conference: Latin America and Opposition to Neo-Liberalism
So, somebody who doesn't have to finish two chapters before they go to Colombia on Tuesday (like me), please go to this and tell me how it was:
Latin American Opposition to Neo-Liberalism: Janey Program Annual Conference at the New School
Friday, April 11, 2008 9:30 a.m. - 6:30 p.m.
New School
79 Fifth Ave, Room 906
The Latin American region has witnessed mounting opposition to neoliberalism over the course of the last decade. Recent developments in Bolivia and Venezuela in particular raise questions with critical implications for various fields of study, from political economy to political theory. Are these 21st-century revolutions turning the tide against the neoliberal consensus, or do they represent a regression to statist models of growth discredited long ago? Is Latin America finally finding its own way to participatory democracy, or are these recent political trends part of a worrisome global movement away from freedom and liberal rights? Do these developments suggest the possibility of forms of social reproduction that escape the logic of liberal capitalism by opening a space to the people? Must we then completely rethink the meaning of “populism,” or will it always be equivalent to demagogy?
These questions will be addressed by a panel of experts including Sujatha Fernandes, Greg Grandin, Bernardo Kliksberg, Philip Oxhorn, Fred Rosen, and David Schneiderman. The keynote speech will be delivered by Mario Gustavo Guzmán Saldaña, Bolivian ambassador to the United States. Estela Carlotto, president of the Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo and recipient of the 2006 New School University in Exile Award, will be the special guest speaker.
9:45 a.m.
Opening remarks
Michael Cohen, Director, graduate program in International Affairs, and Courtney Jung, Director, Janey Program in Latin American Studies
10:00–11:30 a.m.
Panel 1:
Latin America’s New Consensus?”
Greg Grandin, New York University
“Against Neoliberalism: Confronting Obsolescence and Insecurity in Mexico”
Fred Rosen, North American Congress on Latin America
"A Turn to the Left or a U-Turn? Understanding Voter Opposition to Neoliberal Economic Reforms”
Philip Oxhorn, McGill University
11:30 a.m.–1:00 p.m.
Panel 2:
“Investment Rules, the Immobilized State, and the Difficulties of Counterhegemonic Resistance”
David Schneiderman, University of Toronto
“Everyday Wars of Position: Media, Social Movements, and the State in Chavez’s Venezuela”
Sujatha Fernandes, Queens College, City University of New York
“Violence and Inequality in Latin America”
Bernardo Kliksberg, United Nations Development Program
1:00–2:30 p.m.
Lunch break
2:30–4:00 p.m.
Keynote speech
Mario Gustavo Guzmán Saldaña, Ambassador of the Republic of Bolivia to the United States
4:00–4:30 p.m.
Coffee break
4:30–5:30 p.m.
Special guest speaker
Estela Carlotto, President of the Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo and recipient of the 2006 New School University in Exile Award
5:30 p.m.
Wine and cheese reception
Latin American Opposition to Neo-Liberalism: Janey Program Annual Conference at the New School
Friday, April 11, 2008 9:30 a.m. - 6:30 p.m.
New School
79 Fifth Ave, Room 906
The Latin American region has witnessed mounting opposition to neoliberalism over the course of the last decade. Recent developments in Bolivia and Venezuela in particular raise questions with critical implications for various fields of study, from political economy to political theory. Are these 21st-century revolutions turning the tide against the neoliberal consensus, or do they represent a regression to statist models of growth discredited long ago? Is Latin America finally finding its own way to participatory democracy, or are these recent political trends part of a worrisome global movement away from freedom and liberal rights? Do these developments suggest the possibility of forms of social reproduction that escape the logic of liberal capitalism by opening a space to the people? Must we then completely rethink the meaning of “populism,” or will it always be equivalent to demagogy?
These questions will be addressed by a panel of experts including Sujatha Fernandes, Greg Grandin, Bernardo Kliksberg, Philip Oxhorn, Fred Rosen, and David Schneiderman. The keynote speech will be delivered by Mario Gustavo Guzmán Saldaña, Bolivian ambassador to the United States. Estela Carlotto, president of the Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo and recipient of the 2006 New School University in Exile Award, will be the special guest speaker.
9:45 a.m.
Opening remarks
Michael Cohen, Director, graduate program in International Affairs, and Courtney Jung, Director, Janey Program in Latin American Studies
10:00–11:30 a.m.
Panel 1:
Latin America’s New Consensus?”
Greg Grandin, New York University
“Against Neoliberalism: Confronting Obsolescence and Insecurity in Mexico”
Fred Rosen, North American Congress on Latin America
"A Turn to the Left or a U-Turn? Understanding Voter Opposition to Neoliberal Economic Reforms”
Philip Oxhorn, McGill University
11:30 a.m.–1:00 p.m.
Panel 2:
“Investment Rules, the Immobilized State, and the Difficulties of Counterhegemonic Resistance”
David Schneiderman, University of Toronto
“Everyday Wars of Position: Media, Social Movements, and the State in Chavez’s Venezuela”
Sujatha Fernandes, Queens College, City University of New York
“Violence and Inequality in Latin America”
Bernardo Kliksberg, United Nations Development Program
1:00–2:30 p.m.
Lunch break
2:30–4:00 p.m.
Keynote speech
Mario Gustavo Guzmán Saldaña, Ambassador of the Republic of Bolivia to the United States
4:00–4:30 p.m.
Coffee break
4:30–5:30 p.m.
Special guest speaker
Estela Carlotto, President of the Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo and recipient of the 2006 New School University in Exile Award
5:30 p.m.
Wine and cheese reception
4.08.2008
Bill Clinton's Ties To Colombia Trade Deal Stronger Than Even Penn's
60 Años de Modernidad Colombiana/60 Years of Modernity in Colombia
Se ha dicho que el Siglo XX empezó en Colombia el 9 Abril 1948 con el asesinato de Gaitán. Antes de esa fecha, la mayoría de colombainos eran campesinos y el país estaba apartado del mundo. Hoy, un gringolombiano hace post en su blog desde el Bronx para que lo lean en Tumaco. Obviamente, este corto Siglo XX colombiano ha traido violencia también. Ojalá no nos dure hasta el Siglo XXII.
Unas reflexiones de El Tiempo sobre esta fecha tan importante: enlace
***
It's been said that the 20th century started in Colombia on April 9, 1948, in a paroxysm of violence that, paradoxically, transformed the country from a peasant majority with its back to the world to a modern urban nation. So, today marks 60 years of modernity and violence in Colombia.
4.05.2008
Conference: Ethnicity, Sexuality, Age and Gender in Brazil
April 11
Ethnicity, Sexuality, Age and Gender in Brazil: Comparative Perspectives ETHNICITY, SEXUALITY, AGE AND GENDER IN BRAZIL: COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVES. Sponsored by: The Institute of Latin American Studies, The Center for Brazilian Studies, and the Center for the Study of Race and Ethnicity at Columbia University. Friday, April 11, from 9:00am to 4:00pm. Conference Room 420, Hamilton Hall. Welcome and Introduction - 9:00am: Thomas J. Trebat, Columbia University, Lilia Schwarcz, Columbia University. Racial Relations - 9:30am: Lilia Moritz Schwarcz; AnaniDzidzienyo, Brown University; Antônio Sérgio Guimarães, Princeton University. Gender and Age(Part I) 11:00am: James Green, Brown University; Bila Sorj, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro; Guita Grin Debert, UNICAMP. Gender and Age(Part II) 2:00pm: James Green, Brown University; Jerry Dávila, University of North Carolina at Charlotte Bryan McCann, Georgetown University. For more information: http://www.columbia.edu/cu/ilas/
Colombian Migration Conference / Conferencia sobre la migración colombiana
Colombian Migration Conference: Transnational, Political, and Cultural Perspectives
Saturday, April 12, 2008, G08 Uris Hall Cornell University
** Open to the Public*
This Cornell University conference aims to create a space for addressing the increasingly important phenomenon of Colombian migration around the world by bringing together various disciplines and viewpoints.
*Objectives:*
· Inform academics, scholars, and graduate/undergraduate students within the Cornell community about relevant research on Colombian migration to the U.S. and elsewhere
· Encourage networking among researchers that will facilitate on-going collaborations in interdisciplinary scholarship and public policy initiatives
· Encourage and support students who may be interested in engaging in research on Colombian migration issues.
Schedule:*
9:30am
Welcoming by *Arturo Ignacio Sánchez, Robert Blake, and Claudia G. Pineda
*
10:00-12:00
Transnational Perspectives and Political Participation
*"Colombo-londinenses: Colombian migrants in the British Capital"*
*Luis Eduardo Guarnizo*, University of California, Davis
*"Colombian Organizations, Civic Engagement and Political Participation"*
*Cristina Escobar*, Princeton University
*"Colombian Migration to Jackson Heights, New York: The Politics and Scales
of Immigrant Demonization and the Built Environment"*
*Arturo Ignacio Sánchez*, Cornell University
Discussant: *Mary Roldán*, Cornell University
12:00-2:00 Lunch
2:00-4:00
Colombian Youth Culture, Education, and Religious Organizations
*"Religions and Spirituality: Building up a Transnational Colombia"*
*Ana María Bidegain*, Florida International University
*"Immigrant Cultural Identity: Social Class, Status & Mobility"*
*Vivian Louie*, Harvard University
*"Colombian Youth Cultural Engagement through a Colombian Dance Program"*
*Claudia G. Pineda*, Cornell University
Discussant: *Vilma Santiago-Irizarry*, Cornell University
4:00-4:15 Coffee Break
4:15-6:15 Representations of Colombians in the Media
*Javier Castaño*, Editor-in-Chief HOY Nueva York
*Héctor Abad-Faciolince*, Revista Semana. EAFIT University
*Juan Carlos Iragorri*, Harvard University
Discussant: *Elvira Sánchez-Blake*, Cornell University
6:30 Open Reception
*Sponsored by:*
Latin American Studies Program<http://www.einaudi.cornell.edu/LatinAmerica/ >
City and Regional Planning <http://www.aap.cornell.edu/crp/>
Latino Studies Program <http://latino.lsp.cornell.edu/>
International Living
Center<http://www.campuslife.cornell.edu/campuslife/housing/undergraduate/holland-international-living-center.cfm >
*Co-Sponsored by:*
ALANA
American Studies Program
Cornell University Colombian Students Association (CUCSA)
Colombian Studies Institute at Florida International University
Graduate and Professional Student Assembly Finance Commission (GPSAFC)
Department of History
International Students Programming Board (ISPB)
Polson Institute for Global Development
Society for the Humanities
For more information visit:
http:// www.einaudi.cornell.edu/LatinAmerica/conference/colombian_migration/
Latin American Studies Program
190 Uris Hall
Cornell University
Ithaca, NY 14853
Phone:(607) 255.3345
Fax: (607) 254.5000
Email: lasp @ is.cornell.edu
Saturday, April 12, 2008, G08 Uris Hall Cornell University
** Open to the Public*
This Cornell University conference aims to create a space for addressing the increasingly important phenomenon of Colombian migration around the world by bringing together various disciplines and viewpoints.
*Objectives:*
· Inform academics, scholars, and graduate/undergraduate students within the Cornell community about relevant research on Colombian migration to the U.S. and elsewhere
· Encourage networking among researchers that will facilitate on-going collaborations in interdisciplinary scholarship and public policy initiatives
· Encourage and support students who may be interested in engaging in research on Colombian migration issues.
Schedule:*
9:30am
Welcoming by *Arturo Ignacio Sánchez, Robert Blake, and Claudia G. Pineda
*
10:00-12:00
Transnational Perspectives and Political Participation
*"Colombo-londinenses: Colombian migrants in the British Capital"*
*Luis Eduardo Guarnizo*, University of California, Davis
*"Colombian Organizations, Civic Engagement and Political Participation"*
*Cristina Escobar*, Princeton University
*"Colombian Migration to Jackson Heights, New York: The Politics and Scales
of Immigrant Demonization and the Built Environment"*
*Arturo Ignacio Sánchez*, Cornell University
Discussant: *Mary Roldán*, Cornell University
12:00-2:00 Lunch
2:00-4:00
Colombian Youth Culture, Education, and Religious Organizations
*"Religions and Spirituality: Building up a Transnational Colombia"*
*Ana María Bidegain*, Florida International University
*"Immigrant Cultural Identity: Social Class, Status & Mobility"*
*Vivian Louie*, Harvard University
*"Colombian Youth Cultural Engagement through a Colombian Dance Program"*
*Claudia G. Pineda*, Cornell University
Discussant: *Vilma Santiago-Irizarry*, Cornell University
4:00-4:15 Coffee Break
4:15-6:15 Representations of Colombians in the Media
*Javier Castaño*, Editor-in-Chief HOY Nueva York
*Héctor Abad-Faciolince*, Revista Semana. EAFIT University
*Juan Carlos Iragorri*, Harvard University
Discussant: *Elvira Sánchez-Blake*, Cornell University
6:30 Open Reception
*Sponsored by:*
Latin American Studies Program<http://www.einaudi.cornell.edu
City and Regional Planning <http://www.aap.cornell.edu/crp/>
Latino Studies Program <http://latino.lsp.cornell.edu/>
International Living
Center<http://www.campuslife.cornell
*Co-Sponsored by:*
ALANA
American Studies Program
Cornell University Colombian Students Association (CUCSA)
Colombian Studies Institute at Florida International University
Graduate and Professional Student Assembly Finance Commission (GPSAFC)
Department of History
International Students Programming Board (ISPB)
Polson Institute for Global Development
Society for the Humanities
For more information visit:
http:// www.einaudi.cornell.edu
Latin American Studies Program
190 Uris Hall
Cornell University
Ithaca, NY 14853
Phone:(607) 255.3345
Fax: (607) 254.5000
Email: lasp @ is.cornell.edu
4.04.2008
New Bill May Speed U.S. Visas for Artists
When it comes to artists trying to obtain visas, notorious performers like Amy Winehouse usually get the headlines. That British soul singer’s application to come to the United States for the Grammy Awards in February was initially denied, with speculation that the refusal was because of her alleged use of illegal drugs.
But as the House of Representatives voted this week to speed up the visa approval process for some foreign artists and entertainers, the heads of arts organization said attention was finally being paid to the real problem: the time, money and complexity involved in getting visas for lower-profile artists, including dancers, singers, musicians and actors.
“It has become a huge burden,” said Nigel Redden, director of the Lincoln Center Festival, the renowned arts showcase that this summer will bring together 57 performances and events from nine countries.
“We hire someone in January whose only job is to do visas,” he said. Once, when the festival sought to bring in a cast of Chinese acrobats and soloists, a “visa wrangler” in China asked for $75,000 to smooth the way for the group to travel to the embassy and get the necessary papers in order.
“We’re turning the United States into fortress America,” Mr. Redden said. “It turns everyone into an enemy. It loses us friends around the world and respect around the world.”
Now, those seeking entry must run a bureaucratic gantlet that can include having to establish their artistic credentials, hire a lawyer, pay visa fees and visit a United States embassy or consulate.
All of that requires money and time, said Jonathan Ginsburg, an immigration lawyer in Fairfax, Va., with the firm of Fettmann, Tolchin & Majors. An entertainer from London who has an arrest record, for example, would need a report from Scotland Yard, which can cause more delays.
Once the application is made, the Homeland Security Department is supposed to act within two weeks, but recently it almost never has; in the worst cases, getting an answer takes as long as six months, arts organizations said. So-called premium processing is available to expedite an application, at a cost of $1,000 for each petitioner.
The House bill, approved on Tuesday, extends the processing time to 30 days from two weeks. If the deadline is not met, the department is required to provide free expedited processing. The bill, which applies only to visa applications made by nonprofit arts groups, still needs the Senate’s approval.
Heather Noonan, the vice president for advocacy for the League of American Orchestras, called the bill an important step.
“We’re very pleased to see Congress support opportunities for international cultural exchange this way and particularly happy to see such broad bipartisan support for the measure,” Ms. Noonan said.
Sandra Gibson, the president and chief executive of the Association of Performing Arts Presenters, said: “We’ve been watching this issue for 10 years. The premium-processing fee meant the nonprofit community would not be served.”
A task force on visas was formed in 2001, she said, when premium processing began. But the Sept. 11 attacks slowed everything down. “There were delays in interviews, inability to get interviews,” Ms. Gibson said. On applications, problems like inverted birth dates and misspelled last names made problems snowball. Around the world, the embassies and consulates that were part of the process were staffed at different levels. “In China and India it can take 100 days to get an interview,” she said.
With the value of the dollar waning, more and more artists have decided to stay home, Ms. Gibson said, echoing other officials. And fewer of the presenters, she said, are willing to go through the contortions of bringing in foreign artists.
Cyril M. Ferenchak, a spokesman for the Bureau of Consular Affairs at the State Department, said in an e-mail message that the government had worked hard to make the visa application easier and more efficient.
“Over 570 new consular positions have been created to handle a growing visa demand and the added security measure in our visa adjudication process,” Mr. Ferenchak wrote, adding that embassy Web sites provide information on things like required documents to demystify the visa process.
Matthew Covey, executive director of Tamizdat, a nonprofit group that helps artists get visas, said the House bill was a step in the right direction. Emerging artists without much money or the organizational skills to get together a visa application are the ones especially hurt by the visa labyrinth.
“An awful lot of musicians don’t make a lot of money,” he said. “They are looking to break even, to promote their work. Most musicians need to expedite their visas because many clubs book six to eight weeks in advance.”
And American audiences may never know what they are missing.
More on the Colombia Free Trade Agreement
This from the Afro-Latino Working Group at University of California Berkeley:
***
Take Action to Stop the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement (FTA): The FTA is a Threat at to Afro-Colombian Rights. Afro-Colombian grassroots organizations are opposed to the FTA.
As President Bush rushes to pressure the U.S. congress for a favorable vote on the U.S.-Colombia FTA, under the guise of national security, we need you to take action and let your representative know that approving the FTA will sentence Indigenous and Afro-Colombians communities to a live of poverty and
exclusion.
While the Bush administration tries to mislead Congress and public opinion on Colombia¹s advancements on peace and justice, the paramilitaries, military and guerrillas carry on threatening, terrorizing and assassinating union leaders and Afro-Colombian and Indigenous peasants. Impunity continues unabated and President Bush¹s FTA campaign ignores the real threats to national security: injustice, impunity, lack of governance, and disrespect for human rights. Trade alone will not resolve these threats and in fact there are vital conditions that need to be met to ensure just trade.
We join people all over the United States who are calling for international trade and investment systems that respect and promote the dignity of Afro-Colombians and Indigenous peoples, ensure the development and
well-being of these vulnerable populations, foster gender and racial equity and lead to environmental sustainability. The current FTA fails to do that, and will only increase the plight of Afro-Colombians:
1. A Threat to Ethnic and Human Rights The FTA was conceived by violating the rule of law. It was not consulted with Afro-Colombians or Indigenous Peoples as required by the Colombian constitution and ILO convention 169. These laws were created to protect Indigenous and Afro-Colombian¹s rights to
territory, environment, food security, and to self determination. The FTAviolates these laws and is therefore a threat to their rights.
2. A Threat to Land Ownership and a Dignified Life Land is a principle of life and strengthens identity for ethnic groups in Colombia. As land is threatened, the right to life is threatened. Systematic human rights
violations including murder, terror, and forced displacement, are used on a daily basis to take over Afro-Colombian and Indigenous lands that are rich in natural resources. Of the Afro-Colombians who held title to their land 79% are currently homeless due to this violence. In Mexico, the North American Free Trade Agreement caused the displacement of 3 million rural farmers, Colombia¹s ethnic and rural populations cannot afford further displacements. The FTA cannot be discussed or voted on until
Afro-Colombians and Indigenous are able to safely return and live on their lands.
3. A Threat to the Environment The FTA contains an ambitious project to supply the world with bio-fuels produced from Oil Palm, sugar cane and corn¹s large scale cultivation. Large scale monocrops target the best lands, most of which are collectively and individually owned by Afro-Colombian grassroots communities. Oil palm cultivation has been linked to massacres and expropriation by paramilitaries in Chocó, Nariño, South of Urabá and the East Llanos region. Nevertheless, the Colombian government aspires to grow 6 million hectares of this product by 2020. The cultivation of just 456 hectares of African palm requires 86 kilometers of drains and 11 kilometers of roads. This type of infrastructure has extremely high cultural, social and environmental cost for the communities, the nation and the world. To approve the FTA is to approve large scale monocrops that will devastate environmental heritage of humanity.
4. A Threat to Colombia¹s National Sovereignty The FTA will undermine Colombia¹s sovereignty by allowing corporations to sue governments that pass environmental and public health laws that might reduce corporate profits. The to pre-emptive legal changes the Colombian government made in preparation for the FTA negotiations, undermine the rights to self determination and governance of the ethnic groups, particular those rights that Afro-Colombians, gained through a legal framework created by Law 70/93. These pre-emptive changes consequently jeopardize their cultural rights and their rights over traditional knowledge and natural resources. In the same way, while the US advocates for protection of the US population¹s food
security, the U.S. and Colombian government put Colombia¹s food security at risk by promoting extractive industries and large scale monocrops, increasing food imports, and adopting public and economic policies that contribute to the most unequal distribution of land in Latin America. Arguing that the FTA is a matter of national security to approve it undermines Colombia¹s ethnic groups¹ most basic right, the right to be fed.
5. A Threat to Labor Rights President Bush and President Uribe along with FTA supporters insist there is improvement in the situation for labor unions and that the FTA will bring more employment. But they forget that plantation based economies have a well known history of labor rights violations. Indeed, sugar cane, African oil palm, plantain plantations in the past and the present have been characterize by violent expropriation of land, slave like labor conditions, and labor union repression. As Colombia moves toward agricultural imports while using rich and productive lands for bio-fuels, subsistence farmers are violently forced to migrate and urban workers face the threat of lower wages as competition increases. Since
Afro-Colombian communities have an agricultural vocation and strong network of support based on rural extended families, their lost is greater in terms of productivity, labor and employment. And Afro-Colombians face additional racism and discrimination in the labor market which leads to unequal
opportunities and ignores their existence, contributions and struggles within the larger society.
Under these circumstances, considering the US-Colombia FTA is a threat to the security of a population that is a third of the Colombian population and a significant part of the African Diaspora.
A few calls can sway your members of Congress to take a public stand. It¹s easy. Here¹s how:
1. Call (202) 224-3121 and ask the Capitol Switchboard operator to connect you to your member of Congress¹ office. Visit www.congress.org <http://www.congress.org/> to find out who represents you in Congress.
2. Talking Point: Please stop President Bush from forcing a vote on the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement by taking a public stance against it. Or select one of the above talking points.
3. And Call 1-202-224-3121 again and ask for one of your two senators. Repeat the message, than call your other senator.
To know more about on Afro-Colombians you can contact Charo at charo@io.com or go to: http://www2.renacientes.org:8080/renacientes (Spanish);
Vielka Cecilia Hoy
African Diaspora Studies, PhD Student
Afro-Latino Working Group, Co-Founder
University of California-Berkeley
vielkahoy@berkeley.edu
***
Take Action to Stop the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement (FTA): The FTA is a Threat at to Afro-Colombian Rights. Afro-Colombian grassroots organizations are opposed to the FTA.
As President Bush rushes to pressure the U.S. congress for a favorable vote on the U.S.-Colombia FTA, under the guise of national security, we need you to take action and let your representative know that approving the FTA will sentence Indigenous and Afro-Colombians communities to a live of poverty and
exclusion.
While the Bush administration tries to mislead Congress and public opinion on Colombia¹s advancements on peace and justice, the paramilitaries, military and guerrillas carry on threatening, terrorizing and assassinating union leaders and Afro-Colombian and Indigenous peasants. Impunity continues unabated and President Bush¹s FTA campaign ignores the real threats to national security: injustice, impunity, lack of governance, and disrespect for human rights. Trade alone will not resolve these threats and in fact there are vital conditions that need to be met to ensure just trade.
We join people all over the United States who are calling for international trade and investment systems that respect and promote the dignity of Afro-Colombians and Indigenous peoples, ensure the development and
well-being of these vulnerable populations, foster gender and racial equity and lead to environmental sustainability. The current FTA fails to do that, and will only increase the plight of Afro-Colombians:
1. A Threat to Ethnic and Human Rights The FTA was conceived by violating the rule of law. It was not consulted with Afro-Colombians or Indigenous Peoples as required by the Colombian constitution and ILO convention 169. These laws were created to protect Indigenous and Afro-Colombian¹s rights to
territory, environment, food security, and to self determination. The FTAviolates these laws and is therefore a threat to their rights.
2. A Threat to Land Ownership and a Dignified Life Land is a principle of life and strengthens identity for ethnic groups in Colombia. As land is threatened, the right to life is threatened. Systematic human rights
violations including murder, terror, and forced displacement, are used on a daily basis to take over Afro-Colombian and Indigenous lands that are rich in natural resources. Of the Afro-Colombians who held title to their land 79% are currently homeless due to this violence. In Mexico, the North American Free Trade Agreement caused the displacement of 3 million rural farmers, Colombia¹s ethnic and rural populations cannot afford further displacements. The FTA cannot be discussed or voted on until
Afro-Colombians and Indigenous are able to safely return and live on their lands.
3. A Threat to the Environment The FTA contains an ambitious project to supply the world with bio-fuels produced from Oil Palm, sugar cane and corn¹s large scale cultivation. Large scale monocrops target the best lands, most of which are collectively and individually owned by Afro-Colombian grassroots communities. Oil palm cultivation has been linked to massacres and expropriation by paramilitaries in Chocó, Nariño, South of Urabá and the East Llanos region. Nevertheless, the Colombian government aspires to grow 6 million hectares of this product by 2020. The cultivation of just 456 hectares of African palm requires 86 kilometers of drains and 11 kilometers of roads. This type of infrastructure has extremely high cultural, social and environmental cost for the communities, the nation and the world. To approve the FTA is to approve large scale monocrops that will devastate environmental heritage of humanity.
4. A Threat to Colombia¹s National Sovereignty The FTA will undermine Colombia¹s sovereignty by allowing corporations to sue governments that pass environmental and public health laws that might reduce corporate profits. The to pre-emptive legal changes the Colombian government made in preparation for the FTA negotiations, undermine the rights to self determination and governance of the ethnic groups, particular those rights that Afro-Colombians, gained through a legal framework created by Law 70/93. These pre-emptive changes consequently jeopardize their cultural rights and their rights over traditional knowledge and natural resources. In the same way, while the US advocates for protection of the US population¹s food
security, the U.S. and Colombian government put Colombia¹s food security at risk by promoting extractive industries and large scale monocrops, increasing food imports, and adopting public and economic policies that contribute to the most unequal distribution of land in Latin America. Arguing that the FTA is a matter of national security to approve it undermines Colombia¹s ethnic groups¹ most basic right, the right to be fed.
5. A Threat to Labor Rights President Bush and President Uribe along with FTA supporters insist there is improvement in the situation for labor unions and that the FTA will bring more employment. But they forget that plantation based economies have a well known history of labor rights violations. Indeed, sugar cane, African oil palm, plantain plantations in the past and the present have been characterize by violent expropriation of land, slave like labor conditions, and labor union repression. As Colombia moves toward agricultural imports while using rich and productive lands for bio-fuels, subsistence farmers are violently forced to migrate and urban workers face the threat of lower wages as competition increases. Since
Afro-Colombian communities have an agricultural vocation and strong network of support based on rural extended families, their lost is greater in terms of productivity, labor and employment. And Afro-Colombians face additional racism and discrimination in the labor market which leads to unequal
opportunities and ignores their existence, contributions and struggles within the larger society.
Under these circumstances, considering the US-Colombia FTA is a threat to the security of a population that is a third of the Colombian population and a significant part of the African Diaspora.
A few calls can sway your members of Congress to take a public stand. It¹s easy. Here¹s how:
1. Call (202) 224-3121 and ask the Capitol Switchboard operator to connect you to your member of Congress¹ office. Visit www.congress.org <http://www.congress.org/> to find out who represents you in Congress.
2. Talking Point: Please stop President Bush from forcing a vote on the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement by taking a public stance against it. Or select one of the above talking points.
3. And Call 1-202-224-3121 again and ask for one of your two senators. Repeat the message, than call your other senator.
To know more about on Afro-Colombians you can contact Charo at charo@io.com or go to: http://www2.renacientes.org
Vielka Cecilia Hoy
African Diaspora Studies, PhD Student
Afro-Latino Working Group, Co-Founder
University of California-Berkeley
vielkahoy@berkeley.edu
Author Silvana Paternostro at Museo del Barrio/ Autora Silvana Paternostro en el Museo del Barrio
El Museo presents
In Our Lingo: James Cañon with Silvana Paternostro
Tuesday, April 15, 6:30 pm – 8:30 pm
Location: El Museo del Barrio
In Our Lingo: Dialogues Between Latino Authors
In Our Lingo brings together Latino authors in conversation with filmmakers, artists, and other authors to share their views on the ideas, themes, and social issues addressed in a specific work presented each session. These intimate dialogues give the audience a unique perspective on contemporary Latino literature.
In connection with New York City’s 5th Annual Immigrant History Week, New York based Colombian author James Cañon will interview Silvana Paternostro, author of My Colombian War: A Journey Through the Country I Left Behind (Henry Holt and Co., 2007). The authors will discuss Paternostro's two wars: the bloody, decades-long battle between leftist rebels and the Colombian government, and the author's own struggle to embrace her Colombian identity while making a life for herself in the U.S. Admission: Free. For advance registration e-mail public_programs@elmuseo.org .
In Our Lingo: James Cañon with Silvana Paternostro
Tuesday, April 15, 6:30 pm – 8:30 pm
Location: El Museo del Barrio
In Our Lingo: Dialogues Between Latino Authors
In Our Lingo brings together Latino authors in conversation with filmmakers, artists, and other authors to share their views on the ideas, themes, and social issues addressed in a specific work presented each session. These intimate dialogues give the audience a unique perspective on contemporary Latino literature.
In connection with New York City’s 5th Annual Immigrant History Week, New York based Colombian author James Cañon will interview Silvana Paternostro, author of My Colombian War: A Journey Through the Country I Left Behind (Henry Holt and Co., 2007). The authors will discuss Paternostro's two wars: the bloody, decades-long battle between leftist rebels and the Colombian government, and the author's own struggle to embrace her Colombian identity while making a life for herself in the U.S. Admission: Free. For advance registration e-mail public_programs@elmuseo.org .
Guess what - the music industry is changing / Sabías? Se está cambiando la industria discográfica
How do I know?/Como es que lo sé?
- Apple's iTunes, which sells mp3s, is now the #1 music retailer, passing WalMart, which sells CDs. Link
- Jay-Z ditched record companies to sign, like Madonna and U2, with a booking agency, of all things... Link
- MySpace is getting in on the act. Link
- iTunes, de Apple, que vende mp3, ya es el vendedor más grande de música, pasando el almacén WalMart, que vende CDs. Enlace
- El rapero, productor, y empresario musical Jay-Z ha roto su relación con las disqueras tradicionales para firmar con una agencia promotora, una manera completamente diferent de distribuir y financiar sus proyectos. Enlace
- MySpace también se ha lanzado a la industria musical. Enlace
4.03.2008
Violent Intersections of Commerce and Conflict in Colombia (and why we will be hearing about Colombia on the nightly news in the US very soon...)
The Bush administration has just fast-tracked the US Free Trade Agreement with Colombia (fast-tracked by the Bushadministration for Congressional debate), has put out a report called "The Violent Intersections of Commerce and Conflict: Examining the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement and Plan Colombia." I haven't read it yet, so I can't vouch for it 100%, and I am far from an economist, but it seems like the connections being made in the report between foreign trade, Colombia's civil war, and the disproportionate impact of these policies on black and indigenous Colombians, are right on. AFSC has also put up a website campaigning against the current US policy in Colombia: http://www.tradeandwar.org/connections.html.
Speaking of the FTA, it looks like it might get some attention in the US press very soon, since purportedly anti-trade agreement Hilary's chief camaign strategist, Mark Penn, also works for a lobbying form hired by the Colombian government to get the FTA passed. So much for Hilary calling out Obama for waffling on NAFTA. Obama, meanwhile, has reiterated his opposition to these kinds of trade agreements, playing to the Democratic base, which is generally opposed to the idea of jobs going overseas. So, as the Center fo International Policy blog puts it,
"As the Pennsylvania primary draws near, Colombia may become the subject of a national campaign controversy. If that comes to pass, we can expect an onslaught of distorted, simplistic rhetoric about security improvements, labor-union killings, Alvaro Uribe’s popularity, the drug trade, and much else. Readers who know Colombia well: prepare to have your patience sorely tested."
Speaking of the FTA, it looks like it might get some attention in the US press very soon, since purportedly anti-trade agreement Hilary's chief camaign strategist, Mark Penn, also works for a lobbying form hired by the Colombian government to get the FTA passed. So much for Hilary calling out Obama for waffling on NAFTA. Obama, meanwhile, has reiterated his opposition to these kinds of trade agreements, playing to the Democratic base, which is generally opposed to the idea of jobs going overseas. So, as the Center fo International Policy blog puts it,
"As the Pennsylvania primary draws near, Colombia may become the subject of a national campaign controversy. If that comes to pass, we can expect an onslaught of distorted, simplistic rhetoric about security improvements, labor-union killings, Alvaro Uribe’s popularity, the drug trade, and much else. Readers who know Colombia well: prepare to have your patience sorely tested."
3.31.2008
Manuel Zapata Olivella
Lucía Pulido (the singer, who did an amazing set with her trio on Saturday at MACSEM) recommended this to me: a documentary on the life of Manuel Zapata Olivella, an incredibly important black Colombian intellectual, who traveled Colombia, hung with Langston Hughes in Renaissance-era Harlem, wrote short stories, plays, and novels (most famously Changó el gran putas, translatable as Changó, One Bad Motherfucker), and founded an Afro-Colombian performance group and took it not only to Bogotá (where they'd never heard any of that stuff before), but to Russia and China, and was an all-around polymath, activist, ethnigrapher, and philosopher. You can find the doc (subtitled), photos, writings by and about him, and a lot of other resources here. Enjoy.Lucía Pulido, la cantante, quien cantó con su trio el sábado en una conferencia sobre etnomusicología (lindísimo el concierto, si no conocés la musica de ella buscala), me recomendó esto: un documental sobre la vida del Maestro Manuel Zapata Olivella, figura importantísima de la intelectualidad colombiana y negra. Zapata viajó por Colombia, conoció de primera mano al Harlem de la época del Jazz, escribió novelas, cuentos y obras de teatro, fundó un grupo folklórico afrocolombiano y lo llevó no solamente a Bogotá (donde no conocían nada de eso) sino hasta Moscú y la China. Es decir, un gran erudito, activista, etnógrafo y filósofo. Se encuentran el documental, fotos, escrituras por y sobre él, y otros recursos aquí. Gracias Lucía!
Conference: Race in the Transnational Caribbean
In an attempt to develop an intellectual space for inter-disciplinary perspectives on Latinos and race, the Department of Latino and Hispanic Caribbean Studies has organized a day-long conference that will begin with a panel in which three scholars, Ginetta Candelario (Smith College), Jorge Duany (University of Puerto Rico - Rio Piedras), and Isar Godreau (University of Puerto Rico - Cayey) will showcase work on various topics related to race in the Caribbean and Caribbean communities in the U.S.
Through this conference we hope to begin a process of developing dialogues that transcend the traditional Black-white U.S. racial binary and recognize the nuanced ways in which Latinos have come to impact the country’s racial landscape.
The public panel is open to faculty, graduate and undergraduate students, and staff.
Coordinated by Ana Yolanda Ramos-Zayas & Carlos Decena
Department of Latino & Hispanic Caribbean Studies
Rutgers University/New Brunswick-Piscataway
Co-sponsored by the Center for Race & Ethnicity
Date: Friday, April 4, 2008
Time: 2:00 pm
Place: Graduate Student Lounge
College Avenue Campus Center
Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ
For more information contact
The Department of Latino & Hispanic Caribbean Studies at 732-445-3820
http://latcar.rutgers.edu
Through this conference we hope to begin a process of developing dialogues that transcend the traditional Black-white U.S. racial binary and recognize the nuanced ways in which Latinos have come to impact the country’s racial landscape.
The public panel is open to faculty, graduate and undergraduate students, and staff.
Coordinated by Ana Yolanda Ramos-Zayas & Carlos Decena
Department of Latino & Hispanic Caribbean Studies
Rutgers University/New Brunswick-Piscataway
Co-sponsored by the Center for Race & Ethnicity
Date: Friday, April 4, 2008
Time: 2:00 pm
Place: Graduate Student Lounge
College Avenue Campus Center
Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ
For more information contact
The Department of Latino & Hispanic Caribbean Studies at 732-445-3820
http://latcar.rutgers.edu
Copyright rules about to harden in Colombia? / La Cultura Digital, ignorada en el documento CONPES de Propiedad Intelectual
Esto de la incansable Carolina Botero. Para leer más y firmar una carta en protesta, ve aquí.This from the untiring Carolina Botero (English below.)
A finales del 2006 en Canadá irrumpió una campaña de una sociedad de gestión colectiva que tenía como eje un superhéroe de tiras cómicas llamado "el Capitán Copyright", que dedicaba su vida a enseñarles a los niños las virtudes del derecho de autor sin mencionar los límites y opciones del sistema (copia privada, uso educativo, autorización del autor, compartir, etc.) y que no sobrevivió sino unos pocos meses. El Departamento Nacional de Planeación (DNP) colombiano, en la línea del Capitán Copyright, presentará para aprobación del Consejo Nacional de Política Económica y Social (CONPES) un documento sobre propiedad intelectual que se enfoca en “protección y observancia” del derecho de autor como se conoce tradicionalmente, con recomendaciones que incluyen armar una estructura estatal policiva y de "enseñanza y sensibilización" en derecho de autor. En la era digital, con múltiples posibilidades de acceder a la información, con opciones legales para que el autor decida como gestiona sus derechos de autor y para que descarguemos música en Internet, para que la reutilicemos y compartamos, ¿se justifica que el Estado sólo proteja el derecho tradicional de autor, dejando de lado las opciones que se han desarrollado en su entorno, y reforzando la presión de criminalización sobre cualquier conducta que no se ajuste a sus estrictas normas?
Es tiempo que todos nos movilicemos para que los políticos miren por encima de los paradigmas pasados, discutan la nueva realidad de la era digital y las múltiples posibilidades de compartir el conocimiento. Les proponemos a todos los internautas llamar la atención del CONPES, difundiendo esta carta abierta, enlazándola, copiándola en sus blogs, instando a que cada blogger, cada lector, cada ciudadano, cada internauta la apoye con su firma en firmasonline.com para pedir que el Estado colombiano no ignore las posibilidades de la libre difusión y decisión individual sobre el conocimiento en Internet.
***Carta abierta al CONPES
Sobre la propuesta de documento CONPES “Bases de un Plan de Acción para la Adecuación del Sistema de Propiedad Intelectual a la Competitividad y Productividad Nacional 2008 – 2010”
La propiedad intelectual es el eje de la economía del nuevo siglo, por lo cual definir una política pública en este campo es, de alguna manera, definir el futuro de nuestra sociedad. Sin embargo, el documento que el CONPES se alista a aprobar[1] sobre esta materia se basa en un diagnóstico incompleto, falla en el intento de detectar las brechas del país en ese campo y se queda corto en la formulación de las posibles estrategias.[2], manteniendo la posición del gobierno colombiano, único país en oponerse[3] a la declaración votada en la Organización Mundial de la Propiedad Intelectual (OMPI) sobre fortalecimiento del dominio público en ese entorno.
Un recuento de los olvidos del diagnóstico
1. Software Libre: ¿Quién no usa software libre? Todos, empezando por aquellos que tienen acceso a Internet que lo usan porque su evolución depende en gran medida de este tipo de desarrollos. Por ello resulta incomprensible que se le ignore. Un ejemplo. Apache, el servidor de páginas web más utilizado[4], es un software de código abierto exitoso respaldado por empresas comerciales y una sólida comunidad de desarrolladores. Pero “compartir” y “proteger” o “controlar” no implica que deje de ser negocio. Lo prueba IBM que a finales de los noventa decidió adoptar software libre como forma de producción, distribución y comercialización mediante un esquema en el que apoya el desarrollo colectivo y comparte el código del software, como en el caso de su proyecto cero con el que IBM contribuye para mejorar Firefox[5]. ¿Puede el DNP negarse a ignorar este tema en un documento que plantea las opciones del país para utilizar la propiedad intelectual como herramienta de competitividad y desarrollo?
2. Acceso Abierto: Plos (Public Library of Science)[6] es una serie de publicaciones científicas del Reino Unido en áreas como biología, genética, medicina, etc., que adoptó como política el Acceso Abierto en un esquema en el que la publicación, por un lado, se costea con mecanismos diversos al de cobro a sus lectores y, por otro, los autores y titulares de los artículos permiten la reproducción libre por sus lectores. Con esta fórmula, en pocos años la publicación logró primeros lugares en relación con sus similares[7], se ha convertido en referencia obligada ubicándose por encima de tradicionales y centenarias publicaciones de Reino Unido en su género[8], facilitando el acceso al conocimiento y mostrándose como económicamente viable. Pero el ejemplo más claro y contundente se materializa hace solo un mes cuando los profesores de la facultad de artes y ciencias de la Universidad de Harvard decidieron adoptar esta misma política de Acceso Abierto[9] para el conocimiento que se produzca en ese entorno académico, una decisión que se prevé tendrá un impacto mundial comparable con el que en su momento generó la iniciativa Open Course Ware del MIT (Massachussets Institute of Technology)[10] en relación con material docente.
Estos ejemplos responden a la denuncia de las bibliotecas universitarias sobre el consumo de sus presupuestos en la adquisición de publicaciones especializadas, muchas alimentadas por las propias universidades, pero que a través de intermediarios editoriales regresaban a sus manos con un precio escalado. Las bibliotecas también explicaron como esto generaba circulación restringida del conocimiento producido en la academia limitado a la capacidad de adquisición, sacrificando una cultura académica de compartir, por un esquema de publicación controlado a través del derecho de autor. Este entorno desembocó en un movimiento que se conoce como Acceso Abierto[11] que promueve el acceso a material de investigación sin las barreras que implica el derecho de autor, a través de la gestión de estos derechos que se conoce como “licencias libres”, especialmente las licencias Creative Commons[12].
3. Las excepciones y limitaciones de derecho de autor están desactualizadas: En Nocaima (Cundinamarca), hay aproximadamente 50 sordos a quienes la alcaldía busca llegar para facilitar sus procesos de educación y cultura. Se trata de una población en desventaja pues los contenidos a su disposición son pocos y la voluntad de quienes los apoyan encuentra barreras como la obligación de solicitar la autorización a los titulares de materiales ya existentes para adaptarlos a las necesidades de esta pequeña comunidad, lo que complica y encarece cualquier estrategia en este sentido. Garantizar hoy una educación de calidad, que permita cerrar la brecha digital, pasa por actualizar las normas de derecho de autor en materia de excepciones y limitaciones como lo han intentado algunos países (Estados Unidos lo debatió profusamente para el Digital Millenium Copyright Act, por ejemplo) y en consonancia con la propuesta que otros han realizado ya en foros internacionales como la OMPI (Chile, hace tan solo unos días[13]).
El derecho de autor es un sistema de equilibrios que otorga privilegios a los autores pero a su turno establece límites en beneficio de la sociedad. En los últimos años se han ampliado esos privilegios sin que se hayan actualizado y ajustado sus límites[14].
4. Educación y cultura libre: En Australia, desde hace algunos años, las escuelas del Estado pueden compartir los libros de texto y el material educativo que producen, sin las barreras de copia, distribución y modificación, para el material que ha sido producido y financiado por el Estado. Este material circula libremente entre tales instituciones gracias a NEALS (Nacional Education Access Licence for Schools[15]) un esquema de licenciamiento que ha significado un importante ahorro en el pago de derechos de autor en este entorno concreto en material que ellos mismos producen. Un ejemplo similar se presenta en el Reino Unido con la licencia Creative Archive de la BBC[16], que se enfoca inicialmente en material cultural producido por la cadena estatal y que se ha difundido a museos y, en general, a instituciones estatales que producen con financiación pública contenidos culturales.
Estos ejemplos muestran una tendencia de apertura que se conoce como educación abierta (OER - Open Educational Resources), la primera, o uso de licencias libres en la cultura, la segunda, buscando potenciar las posibilidades de las Tecnologías de la Información y las Comunicaciones -TIC- tanto en lo económico como en la construcción colectiva de soluciones educativas y culturales. Estas alternativas a la visión tradicional del derecho de autor han sido analizada por su impacto en el mundo en general y en especial para los países en vías de desarrollo en foros liderados por la UNESCO[17] y la Organización para la Cooperación y el Desarrollo económico (OECD)[18].
5. El mercado de la música: También en el campo cultural, artistas reconocidos están ensayando nuevas alternativas al tradicional derecho de autor: Avril Lavigne se unió a un grupo de artistas de Canadá[19] que se niegan a perseguir a sus fans por cuenta de lo que pueden hacer con las tecnologías: grupos tan exitosos como Nine Inch Nails[20] o REM han decidido permitir a sus fans reutilizar sus últimas producciones. Más allá del “problema” que representa la descarga, ellos han apostado por empoderar a sus fans para apoyarles en sus propias creaciones. Paul McCartney no lanzó su último disco con su tradicional casa discográfica EMI sino a través de una novedosa campaña con la cadena Starbucks, por que le pareció que las majors (las multinacionales de la industria de la música) ya no entienden su mercado, más bien “parecen dinosaurios discutiendo de asteroides”[21]. En medio de ese revolcón, los consumidores musicales han encontrado en las nuevas tecnologías otras formas de disfrutar y compartir la música participando incluso directamente como creadores y no solo como consumidores, por lo que han surgido sitios con mecanismos de gestión de derechos de autor amplios, generales y libres que posibilitan estas opciones como sucede en www.CCMixter.com o en www.jamendo.org. El negocio está cambiando y las ganancias algunos la monetizan precisamente con lo que la gente hace con la tecnología. Es claro hoy que mientras el negocio tradicional decae el que se deriva de las TIC aparece como el futuro[22].
6. En la literatura y otras artes: Mientras importantes editoriales como Penguin Books[23] o autores famosos como Paulo Coelho[24] están perdiendo el miedo a exponerse en Internet, y con ello a perder parte del control tradicional para aprovechar otras ventajas, ya hay escritores que se han posicionado a través de la red sin el apoyo de la industria editorial ampliando las posibilidades de acceso para los demás, como Cory Doctorow[25]. En el tema audiovisual emisoras públicas como la noruega[26] o alemana[27] están haciendo ensayos para distribuir sus producciones a través de redes P2P, sin DRM e incluso con licencias libres en el entendido de que su función es llegar al mayor público posible considerando particularmente que su labor no depende de la publicidad.
7. En Colombia: También tenemos ejemplos claros. Los datos del Sistema de Información para la Biodiversidad del Instituto Von Humboldt, el Banco Nacional de Objetos de Aprendizaje del Ministerio de Educación y particularmente la participación que en él tiene la Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana, la sección de participación del diario El Tiempo, Orfeo (software libre desarrollado por la Superintendencia de Servicios Públicos), artistas como Calambuco, Colombitis, Silvia O, festivales como Medelink, emisoras como Altair, han apostado por sistemas alternativos que les permiten a los usuarios una experiencia diferente frente al acceso a la música, al conocimiento, a la cultura, a la educación, etc.
El diagnóstico en el borrador del documento CONPES:
A pesar de los cambios que ha sufrido el entorno de la propiedad intelectual en las últimas décadas, todas estas opciones han sido ignoradas por el DNP al momento de diagnosticar el sector de Propiedad Intelectual.
El proyecto de documento del CONPES elabora un diagnóstico exclusivamente dirigido a la industria cultural y del entretenimiento tradicional, pero que al momento de abordar las propuestas de estrategias tiene ambiciones mucho más amplias y cubre todos los sectores de la sociedad colombiana sin profundizar en su entorno, sus necesidades, ni sus prácticas sociales.
Si el diagnóstico no abarca en forma integral el estado actual del arte respecto de la propiedad intelectual al día nos estaremos negando como país y como sociedad la posibilidad de analizar su posible impacto, estaremos bloqueando el estudio de las economías que pueden generar o facilitar tales alternativas y, estaremos rechazando de plano las opciones de desarrollo y competitividad que las mismas pueden representar.
Con el documento que se presentará este mes para aprobación en el CONPES estamos adoptando como modelo de desarrollo el de “protección y observancia” del modelo tradicional de derecho de autor, útil para un mundo de medios físicos (impreso, cinta, CD, etc.), pero que no es la única opción en entornos digitales ni en los negocios, y además, es excluyente para ciertos sectores.
Propuesta
- Solicitamos que hagan parte de estos temas los entes estatales directamente vinculados con actividades de educación y cultura para exponer sus necesidades y entornos jurídicos propios.
- Solicitamos la discusión pública con todos los sectores de la sociedad de las diferentes partes del documento.
- De no ser posible, proponemos la discusión y aprobación de otro documento CONPES que tome en cuenta las demás opciones de la era digital, especialmente en el sector de educación y cultura.
Notas
[1] “Bases de un plan de acción para la adecuación del sistema de propiedad intelectual a la competitividad y productividad nacional 2008-2010. El documento aún no se ha hecho público pero los borradores están circulando entre las personas que han asistido a las reuniones con el sector público y privado.
[2] El documento fue presentado por el Departamento Nacional de Planeación (DNP) para análisis del sector público y privado en un lapso muy corto y restringido a unas cuantas personas representantes de determinadas instituciones durante la semana antes de semana santa y las observaciones debían entregarse durante semana santa. Sin embargo, como el documento aún debe presentarse para aprobación del CONPES hay tiempo de plantear algunos comentarios.
[3] http://evillan.googlepages.com/colombiayeldominiop%C3%BAblico2
[5] http://www-03.ibm.com/press/us/en/pressrelease/7839.wss
[7] Respecto de su impacto de cita (número de veces que sus artículos son citados en un lapso de tiempo determinado por pares.
[8] http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/14.06/varmus.html
[9] http://lawprofessors.typepad.com/law_librarian_blog/2008/02/harvard-faculty.html
[10] http://ocw.mit.edu/OcwWeb/web/home/home/index.htm
[11] http://www.earlham.edu/~peters/fos/overview.htm
[12] http://creativecommons.org
[13] http://www.ip-watch.org/weblog/index.php?p=3D971
[14] El documento que se presentará al CONPES deja pasar la oportunidad para analizar esta situación por concentrarse en proteger una “propiedad individual”, con ello deja de mirar otros aspectos de un mismo tema que se requieren para favorecer el desarrollo y competitividad de la sociedad como un todo.
[15] https://www.det.nsw.edu.au/tc/neals/
[16] http://creativearchive.bbc.co.uk/
[17] http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001285/128515e.pdf
[18] http://www.oecd.org/edu/oer
[19] http://www.musiccreators.ca/a_new_voice.php
[21] http://www.nytimes.com/2007/06/03/arts/music/03kozi.html
[23] Yudice, George, “Nuevas tecnologías, música y experiencia”, Editorial Gedisa S.A., primera edición, Barcelona, 2007.
[24] http://www.reuters.com/article/lifestyleMolt/idUSL1875026620071019?sp=true
[24] http://www.quemarlasnaves.net/2008/01/24/paulo-coelho-es-un-pirata-y-gana-dinero-con-ello/
[26] http://nrkbeta.no/norwegian-broadcasting-nrk-makes-popular-series-available-drm-free-via-bittorrent/
[27] Comunicado de prensa de la cadena regional pública alemana NDR
***
This is the story of the tropical reinvention of "Captain Copyright", a cartoon superhero who was supposed to devoted his life to teaching children the virtues of copyright. Captain Copyright was the brainchild
of Access Copyright, a Canadian collecting society, and the campaign appeared at the end of 2006, "Captain Copyright" was usually portrayed flying in at the scene of a "crime" in which someone published research without proper credit. In the website dedicated to Captain Copyright, the campaign offered educational resources to be integrated into the classrooms of Canadian school children.
The Captain's classroom exercises taught young children about the limits that copyright imposes people's conduct, but failed to address other aspects of copyright, such as exceptions that favour of everyone in society; the public domain; the ability to share, and so on. At that time, commentators like Professor Geist pointed out: "there is no reference to user rights, which are particularly relevant in the education context." He concluded: "Our children need to develop love for learning, a passion for creativity, and appreciation of art and science. The exercises that are offered do not provide any of that. Instead they reduce Canadian copyright to levels not seen before. They are so shameful that they should not be included in any classroom in the country." The campaign shuttered a few months later in 2007.
Recently, the Colombian National Planning Department (DNP) submitted a document on intellectual property for approval by the National Council for Social and Economic Politics (CONPES). The DNP's document builds upon Captain Copyright's idea of protection and enforcement of copyright. As with Captain Copyright, this document emphasises developing Colombian competitiveness and development only through limits, without taking note of the freedoms that make for a balanced system of creativity.
A comprehensive reading of the document suggests that the Colombian state is focusing its efforts and resources into developing our own version of "Captain Copyright" that will give educational recommendations for children, academics and public officials and will likely produce a surveillance state.
The document's main argument is that our country's intellectual property development relies solely on "protection and enforcement". Such a conclusion is based on the fact that the revenue for intellectual property related industries is higher in developed countries than in ours. The document has absolutely no references or background research, achievements and implications of recent approaches such as Free Software, Open Access, Open Educational Resources, Open Business, etc.
Furthermore the document analysis completely ignores important changes in the intellectual property sector evident over the last few years: these aren't just legal tools for increasing copyright control, but rather legal alternatives that empower authors' to manage their rights. Today, authors can exploit new environments for business or can simply decide to share knowledge using technology. In other words, for example, is it justified that Colombian public policies remain focusing on university professors who produce printed knowledge and want to protect their production incentives? Or is it time to also start considering the digital production that follows from different formats that are equally valuable and legal?
This document is not yet public and only a few people were invited to discuss it in the last weeks -- but despite this, an Internet campaign is already bringing attention to the matter, since CONPES will soon deliberate on this public policy. We are focusing our efforts in requesting the CONPES to: (1) involve government institutions related to education and culture to point out their special needs and legal regimes in this issue, (2) to involve civil society actors interested in this topic, and (3) to immediately start drafting another document that will address the other side of the copyright regime; if despite of its limitations, the current document is still approved.
If you want to sign and support go to firmasonline.com
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